Deutsche Welle, 26 July 2013
Exactly 60 years ago, Fidel Castro attempted to take power in Cuba for the first time. He expressed an ambitious revolutionary platform - but how does the Cuba of today measure up to his grand plan?
Exactly 60 years ago, Fidel Castro attempted to take power in Cuba for the first time. He expressed an ambitious revolutionary platform - but how does the Cuba of today measure up to his grand plan?
Cuba's
revolution officially began on July 26, 1953, the day after the festival of
Saint James. A year earlier, the US-backed dictator Fulgencio Bastista rose to
power following a coup. Fidel Castro - at that time a little-known, young
lawyer - had first unsuccessfully tried to displace the dictator by running against
him in the 1952 elections. Voting was called off before Cuban’s had a chance to
cast their ballot.
Castro
garnered the support of some 130 people, and together they attempted to
overtake the Moncada military barracks in Santiago de Cuba and seize weapons
being stored there. He had hoped the 400 soldiers stationed there would be
exhausted or absent after the previous night's festivities. But the plan
failed, and many of the revolutionaries were executed, while the remainder were
forced to stand trial.
Castro’s
long and ambitious political agenda was well primed, even when he stormed the
barracks in 1953. After taking over he wanted to distribute land more evenly,
push for industrialization, reduce unemployment, improve the education sector
and create a system that would allow all Cuban’s the opportunity to access
healthcare – the framework of a democracy.
It was not
until 1959 that the rebels finally achieved their revolution. Now, more than 50
years later, what's the situation with the reforms Castro dreamed of all those
decades ago?
Between
socialism, capitalism and market reform
"The
Moncada program was more socialist than that of the old Communist Party,"
wrote Cuban historian Pedro Campos, an activist with a collective called
Participatory and Democratic Socialism (Socialismo Participativo y
Democrático).
Castro's
original program "didn't promote state capitalism under party control,
with some agricultural cooperation, like Stalinism," Campos said. Rather,
Castro wanted to see workers directly participating in companies, self-governed
agricultural cooperatives, and recovery of democratic citizen participation.
All of which have still not been achieved, he added.
Carmelo
Mesa-Lago, a former professor of economics and Latin American studies at the
University of Pittsburgh in the United States, thinks this could be due in part
to Cuba's political isolation. "Cuba gained and maintained only conditional
sovereignty, because the country is not economically self-sufficient and has
always depended upon an external actor - be it Spain, the United States, the
Soviet Union, or now Venezuela," Mesa-Lago said.
By the end
of the 1980s - just before the fall of the Iron Curtain - Cuba had attained its
highest level of social and economic indicators in its history. But this all
changed following the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, when
Cuba lost support from its communist allies. The country was plunged into a
time of hardship, which became known on the island as the "special
period."
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| Fidel Castro (left) was succeeded by his brother Raul (right) after falling ill |
Today,
Fidel Castro's brother Raul Castro's economic reforms continue to challenge the
country’s 11 million inhabitants. According to estimates, a million Cubans lack
proper housing. The country's trade deficit and state debt have risen to record
levels. Income disparity is increasing, and the numbers of poor and vulnerable
has grown. Meanwhile, social welfare has been cut, with 70-percent less people
receiving state benefits.
Agricultural
production continues to stagnate due to centralized planning, with the state
owning almost all land. Only 10-percent of the country’s farmers remain
independent. Manufacturing continues to be subject to outflows of capital and a
lack of industrialization. Raul Castro announced public sector layouts - which
could lead to a third of Cuba's employable population losing their jobs,
Mesa-Lago said.
Political
stagnation and international image
Cuba’s
social situation is ambivalent. On the one hand, Cuba has the lowest child
mortality and highest life expectancy rate in all of Latin America. On the
other hand, there's been a clear worsening of social security, education and
health, said Cuban historian and political scientist Armando Chaguaceda, who
lectures at the University of Veracruz in Mexico. Not only has the quality of
these services been reduced, "but also access, because of cuts to funding
in these areas," Chaguaceda added.
"Abandoning
infrastructure for water and waste management" has also occurred,
Mesa-Lago said, increasing a risk of an epidemic on the island. Trained doctors
are leaving the island, leading to a shortage of professional medical services
across the country, she added.
The Cuban government has had to make do with less foreign assistance - Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Nicaragua and Ecuador continue to reduce their financial support for the country. Internally, there's also a lack of citizen support. Above all, it's a problem of "political stagnation - which is continued in an authoritarian regime, a single party with very serious controls on freedom of expression, including no right to public protests or strike. Media, and labor unions,” Mesa-Lago added, “are an extension of the government.”
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| The Cuban medical system has a good reputation |
The Cuban government has had to make do with less foreign assistance - Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Nicaragua and Ecuador continue to reduce their financial support for the country. Internally, there's also a lack of citizen support. Above all, it's a problem of "political stagnation - which is continued in an authoritarian regime, a single party with very serious controls on freedom of expression, including no right to public protests or strike. Media, and labor unions,” Mesa-Lago added, “are an extension of the government.”
But things
have changed somewhat. Recently, the opportunity for Cubans to travel or
migrate from the island has increased, along with private investment. But even
these reforms have authoritarian tones, Chaguaceda insisted. He believes that
60 years after Moncada, fundamental changes originally championed by Fidel
Castro have not taken place.
"The
citizenry is tired and civically disempowered, opinion is split, and there's a
lack of reference points for peaceful civic protest," Chaguaceda said.
Cuban citizens see themselves in opposition to "an elite rich who control
information and the tools of power."




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